NADIA WHITTOME MP ON WHY PRIDE MUST CONTINUE TO BE A PROTEST

Nadia Whittome MP (left) and Kate Osborne MP (right) on the Liverpool Dockers' picket line, carrying the LGBT+ Socialists banner which pays tribute to LGBT+ activist Marsha P. Johnson, and organisations such as TUAS, LGSM, GLF, and STAR (Image: Paul McGowan)
Published 28 December 2022
This year Pride in the UK celebrated its 50th anniversary. Today, Pride parades in major cities are well-funded, professionally organised events attracting support from big brands and politicians of all stripes. But, of course, it wasn’t always this way.
The history of LGBTQ+ activism is the history of dissent. Our hard-won rights, and even the very existence of our movement, we owe to people who had the courage to stand up against oppressive laws and social norms. It’s a history of radical direct action and mutual aid; of communities taking matters into their own hands and stepping in where the state had failed.
It’s become almost a cliché to point out that the first Pride was a riot. The story of the Stonewall uprising is one of the best-known in LGBTQ+ history. One night in June 1969, when police raided New York gay bar, the Stonewall Inn, the community rose up. Frustrated by the constant surveillance and criminalisation of queer spaces, the partygoers fought back and soon were joined by a crowd of supporters from across the gay district, Greenwich Village.
There are various theories circulating about who instigated the riot by throwing the first brick or bottle. Oral histories and internet memes often credit black trans woman Marsha P Johnson or trans Latina Sylvia Rivera, both of whom have denied it, and drag performer Stormé DeLarverie who admitted to throwing the first punch. But the debate about the symbolic beginning of the unrest is largely beside the point. What’s certainly true is that women, trans people and people of colour have always been part of the movement, and often at the forefront of radical queer organising - achieving things far more revolutionary than throwing a single brick.
Johnson and Rivera, both lifelong activists, should be remembered for founding Street Transvestite Action Revolutionaries (STAR) - an activist collective that campaigned for queer and trans rights while providing housing and support for LGBTQ+ youth and sex workers. And while the Stonewall uprising was spontaneous, the Liberation Marches that followed it - which would later turn into Pride - were organised by another woman, bisexual activist Brenda Howard. The one-off riot wouldn’t have turned into a sustained political movement without the people who put in the work: printing leaflets, finding venues for meetings, setting up organisations. People who often lived in poverty, on the margins of society, and whose names won’t be found in history books.
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Trans icons Marsha P. Johnson (left) and Sylvia Rivera (right) at the 1973 Christopher Street Liberation Day March. Both dedicated their lives to social justice (Image: Leonard Fink)
In the UK, like elsewhere in the world, LGBTQ+ activism existed long before Stonewall. For example the Homosexual Law Reform Society, founded by a group of intellectuals in 1958, campaigned for the decriminalisation of relationships between men. But it was the 1970s that first saw the emergence of a loud and proud street movement for queer liberation.
The Gay Liberation Front UK (GLF), which would go on to organise Britain’s first Pride, was formed in 1970 at LSE. While its demands included the end of discrimination against gay people in the law (such as the unequal age of consent), its ambitions didn’t end there. Rather than seeking to integrate gay people and same-sex couples into a straight society, it wanted to transform it - taking aim at the patriarchal family model, gender stereotypes and even the organisation of work under capitalism.
The UK’s first official Gay Pride rally took place in London on 1 July 1972. It was a grassroots event, organised with no corporate sponsors or big media endorsement. There was no doubt whatsoever about whether or not it was a protest.
Starting relatively small, the demonstrations grew over the years, finding new locations and attracting supporters from around the country - some of them less obvious than others. Most famously, the 1985 London Pride parade was led by striking miners from South Wales. The story of the unexpected alliance of two groups oppressed under Thatcher was, of course, immortalised by the 2014 film and instant classic 'Pride'.
The AIDS epidemic spurred another wave of radical queer organising. In the US, in response to the Reagan administration’s scandalous inaction on HIV/AIDS, ACT UP was set up in New York City and started a mass campaign of civil disobedience. Whether chaining themselves to the VIP balcony of the New York Stock Exchange or staging “die ins” (blocking traffic by lying down on the ground) and shutting down the Food and Drug Administration, ACT UP weren’t afraid to cause disruption. Outside of New York, ACT UP members were no less bold: in Washington D.C., for instance, activists wrapped the house of homophobic Senator Jesse Helms in a giant condom. The campaign spread around the world, including to the UK, where campaigners marched on Westminster, targeted the Daily Telegraph's offices and protested in front of Pentonville against the failure to protect prisoners from the virus.
ACT UP is often described as one of the most successful social movements in contemporary history. Its creative and controversial actions raised awareness and transformed the conversation around HIV/AIDS - but not just that. The group was invited to meetings with decision-makers, influenced the way new drugs were approved, changed the definition of AIDS to include symptoms specific to women and ensured people assigned female at birth weren’t excluded from drug trials. Without a doubt, ACT UP’s campaigns saved many thousands of lives worldwide. They achieved this not by asking nicely, but by making themselves impossible to ignore.
These are just a few of the many stories of disruptive queer activism that changed the course of history and opened the door to social progress. In 2022 Britain, same-sex relationships enjoy legal equality, overt discrimination is banned by the law and, thanks to medical advances, HIV is no longer a death sentence. This doesn’t mean, however, that there is no longer any need for radical queer organising. Despite attempts to co-opt it by corporations, LGBTQ+ liberation remains intrinsically linked with the liberation of the working class.
LGBTQ+ people rejected by their families still face an increased risk of homelessness. Because of the underfunding of NHS services, trans people often wait years for their first appointment at a gender identity clinic. TUC research found that nearly 7 out of 10 LGBTQ+ people have experienced sexual harassment at work - and 1 in 3 employers openly say they wouldn’t hire a trans person. The right to decent housing and healthcare, freedom from poverty and protections at work are socialist issues - but they are LGBTQ+ issues, too. That’s why it’s so absurd and insulting when many on the right - and even some in the labour movement - try to portray LGBTQ+ activism as alien and irrelevant to the working class.
The working class is gay, straight, bi, cis and trans. It’s also international. Around the world, our queer siblings are still criminalised, imprisoned and even executed for being who they are. The debate surrounding the World Cup in Qatar served as a reminder that same-sex relationships are still illegal in more than 60 countries, and state-sanctioned homophobia continues to thrive in many more.
The situation is no easier for those attempting to escape persecution. LGBTQ+ asylum seekers are routinely mistreated by the Home Office, forced to “prove” their sexuality, retraumatised by detention and deportation or denied safe routes to the UK in the first place. Of those trying to reach Britain in small boats, thousands come from countries like Afghanistan or Iran, where just existing as a queer person is a risk to life. Rather than being welcomed and protected, they’re met with vilification and detained in conditions that violate human dignity.

LGBT+ Socialists and Reclaim Pride Liverpool marcing together with 'Queer Liberation, Not Rainbow Capitalism' banners at Liverpool Pride 2022 as a joint protest against the rampant commercialisation and corporatisation of pride events (Image: Paul McGowan)

LGBT+ Socialists on the UCU picket line supporting striking higher education workers (Image: Paul McGowan)

Actor and activist Felix Mufti (centre) leading the Reclaim Pride Liverpool protest march in 2021 (Image: Paul McGowan)
For some, the mainstreaming and commercialisation of Pride in the UK is a sign of something positive: of the progress we made as a society in accepting queer identities and meeting the headline demands of the gay rights movement. But as the examples above show, it’s far too early for us to pat ourselves on the back and put down our placards. Whether a homeless gay teen, a trans person denied the healthcare they need, queer people persecuted abroad, or refugees criminalised on arrival - for many, LGBTQ+ liberation is still a matter of life or death. It’s great that we have spaces of pure queer joy - after all, we all need a break from activism and a good party from time to time. But we shouldn’t lose sight of the origins of Pride, and its importance as a protest.
The good news is, radical LGBTQ+ activism in Britain is not dead. Inspired by Lesbians and Gays Support the Miners, activist group LGSMigrants formed in 2015 to build solidarity between the queer community and migrants and refugees, facing oppression under Tory hostile environment policies. The group protested British Airways’ sponsorship of Brighton Pride, highlighting the company’s complicity with deportations; disrupted the Airline UK Annual Dinner 2019 and held a die-in at this year’s Pride in London to draw attention to deaths in police custody.
Another activist group inspired by LGSM are LGBT+ Socialists, who formed in 2018 to continue LGSM's work of building collective solidarity between the queer community and the labour/worker's movement. The group has fundraised for multiple trade union's dispute funds, stood in solidarity with workers on countless picket lines and rallies across the country, and in 2019 launched the United We Stand - Solidarity Network to start bringing together activist groups such as local Black Lives Matter, feminist, LGBTQ+ groups and more, under one umbrella group to work as a collective, and unite, build, organise, and escalate campaigns.
In London, Liverpool, Manchester and Brighton, Reclaim Pride initiatives have emerged to oppose pinkwashing and highlight the links between queer liberation and working class and anti-racist struggles. Meanwhile, the reactivated ACT UP London has organised die-ins against the Tory underfunding of health services, and restrictions on migrants’ NHS access which put HIV-positive people at risk.
These (and many other) campaigners and organisations show us the way forward. It was militant activism, not rainbow capitalism, that gave us the rights and freedoms we enjoy today. Over five decades since the birth of Pride, let’s remember the lessons from our movement’s history and keep up the struggle. To quote the words of artist Micah Bazant: there is "no Pride for some of us, without liberation for all of us".
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About the Author:
Nadia Whittome (She/Her) has been the Member of Parliament for Nottingham East since the 2019 general election. Elected at the age of 23, she became the Baby of the House as the youngest MP. Nadia is a member of the Labour Party, LGBT+ Socialists, and also the Socialist Campaign Group of Labour MPs.
Follow Nadia on Twitter:
@NadiaWhittomeMP
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